On October 14, 2026, the Cornell Faculty Senate opened debate on a resolution of no confidence in the Cornell central administration. On October 28, 2026, the Cornell AAUP Chapter voted to endorse three sets of demands for immediate resignations and long term reforms.
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE
ITHACA, NY – Wednesday, October 28, 2026
Over the past several weeks, one revelation after another stemming from the horrifying Chi Phi sexual assault case have revealed deep institutional corrosion in our university. While the details of the Jane Doe case are shocking, the administration’s response has been sadly predictable. In the immediate aftermath of the 2024 assault, the administration failed to ensure Jane Doe’s well-being, failed to energetically pursue justice, and failed to reflect on its own glaring shortcomings. Driven by a logic of risk-management, the worst instincts in Day Hall prevailed: the severity of the case was minimized, the community was denied adequate transparency about the determinations of the judicial processes, while a slow-moving task force made insufficient recommendations, which have still not been fully implemented.From today’s perspective, the unavoidable conclusion is that the university hoped Jane Doe would remain silent and the problem would go away.
The problem has emphatically not disappeared. Cornell has been at the center of national media attention, and the administration’s opacity and reactionary defensiveness has turned a case of sexual assault into a systemic crisis for the entire university. The thousands of Cornellians who bravely showed up to demonstrate are testament to the shattered trust between the administration and the rest of campus. At a moment when our university, and higher education more broadly, is under intense public scrutiny and dealing with open hostility from the federal government, it is more important than ever that we have confidence in our leaders.
Fundamental reforms to the university and its approach to handling sexual assault are necessary to address this systemic crisis. President Kotlikoff’s personal apology and October 13 announcement of new measures demonstrates that the campus mobilization is beginning to have real effects. Nonetheless, this announcement does nothing to diminish the fact that his administration failed to act with any urgency during the two years before this case became a public relations nightmare. We have seen the same pattern of inaction and secrecy with the Weill Cornell sexual abuse lawsuit. Given this administration’s track record, we are skeptical of their commitment to systemic change once the media storm subsides. Below, we make three demands that are necessary first steps in righting the ship. In all three areas—leadership selection, institutional reform, and Greek life—we insist that change be a democratic process rooted in shared governance. The students, faculty, staff, and workers that make this university what it is must have a decisive say in the future of Cornell.
As the Committee on the Future of the American University report argued, “Trust is not simply a communication problem, it is a relationship problem.” The top-down relationship pursued by this administration and the board of trustees has failed; now we must democratically rebuild Cornell, together.
As the Committee on the Future of the American University report argued, “Trust is not simply a communication problem, it is a relationship problem.” The top-down relationship pursued by this administration and the board of trustees has failed; now we must democratically rebuild Cornell, together.
1. Resignations
We call for the resignation of President Kotlikoff, Vice President for Student & Campus Life Lombardi, and other responsible administrators who have mishandled issues of campus assault and accountability.
We are involved with current discussion among Cornell Faculty about considering an expression of ‘no confidence’ in current Cornell leadership. We believe that Pres. Kotlikoff and VP Lombardi have demonstrated failure in their attention to equitable student well-being and accountability concerns, which is the top responsibility of top leaders. We also believe that for the Cornell community to take steps toward restoring good faith and democratic buy-in for shaping positive reforms, there needs to be a leadership change to show that Cornell is serious about admitting failure, executive responsibility, and rebuilding trust.
2. Institutional & culture change
Institutional and cultural change must be student- and faculty-led as part of a democratic process that includes all governance bodies – the Student Assembly, Graduate and Professional Student Assembly, Faculty Senate, Employee Assembly, University Assembly, Cornell Graduate Students United-UE, and UAW 2300 – and experts from within and external to Cornell.
Programs for prevention of sexual violence have been weakened or hollowed out. The crisis of safety on campus requires a multi-level overhaul of programs and training that support institutional and cultural change. Student engagement is integral to leading culture change work on campus and should be supported with institutional and financial resources. We demand that Cornell devote large-scale financial and organizational resources to rebuild and expand infrastructures at multiple levels for prevention, supportive measures, and culture change related to sexual violence, with substantial resources and support for student-led initiatives.
Existing reporting, investigation, and adjudication processes (on and off campus) have failed survivors. CUPD has an inherent conflict of interest that disqualifies them from investigating sexual violence cases. We demand a student- and faculty-led process to build an independent and reliable reporting, investigation, and adjudication system that centers survivors’ agency and needs.
3. Greek Life
We call for the immediate and permanent banning of Chi Phi and for the immediate suspension of all IFC-sponsored fraternities, not merely IFC parties, pending a comprehensive process of systemic review led by the Student Assembly and Faculty Senate, which must consider all possible outcomes, including a full ban on IFC organizations.
We are aware that this alone will not end the epidemic of sexual violence on campus. It must be part of a larger, more comprehensive approach, including, crucially, a victim-centered, trauma-informed process developed by students, faculty, and experts. However, we note that fraternity chapter houses are a significant site of sexual assault and that “Greek-affiliated” undergraduate women experience almost twice the rate of sexual assault as their non-Greek-affiliated peers.
We also note that, despite the many strengths of the Presidential Task Force on Sexual Assault’s Final Report (March 2026), every recommendation concerning Greek life focuses on “increased knowledge,” “improved communications,” “student empowerment,” and “accountability and behavior change.” None of these recommendations, laudable though they might be, recognizes these student organizations as an endemic site of sexual violence.
Finally, we note that the recently announced suspension of all parties and social events in IFC houses for the duration of the 2026-27 academic year promises a “thorough review of fraternity life … to determine whether and how it can safely continue.” Crucially, the language of the preceding statement is ambiguous. Although assessing “whether” IFC-related fraternity life can safely continue appears to put a permanent ban on fraternities on the table, the “and” in the sentence assumes the resumption of IFC-related Greek life, despite the fact that IFC fraternities have long been sites of sexual violence. We are demanding that the university make a permanent ban an explicit possible outcome of the review.
